Friday, November 27, 2009

Unpatriotic Consumerism


Guiding, or manipulating, national consumerism is a tricky public policy issue. After 9/11, when Bush made a speech telling Americans to combat terrorism by shopping, he came under much national criticism. Some angry citizens, led by A Dr. Philips from Sonoma State University, even formed a group called “We're Not Buyin’ It”. The group organized a week long shopping boycott to convey their disagreement with Bush’s call for patriotic consumerism.[1] The issue of patriotic consumerism was brought to the fore of the political agenda again this week.

Ireland was subject to national public sector strike this week (Tuesday, 24 Nov., 2009). Over a quarter of a million public servants protest Government plans to reduce their net income in the upcoming budget. Their dissatisfaction with what they see as the governments targeting of their sector, over the private sector, led to the strike. As the public sector have already been subject to a pension levy earlier this year, they argue that, in the interest of fairness, and as a patriotic gesture, the private sector should be subject to similar cuts and taxes as the private sector has had to swallow.

This is a rational and forceful argument; however, the strike on Tuesday was bloodied with a distasteful stain of hypocrisy as the striking public sector workers crossed the border into (cheaper) Northern Ireland to shop for the day. Reuters reported that traffic jams on the roads leading into N. Ireland brought traffic to a standstill, on what would usually be a regular Tuesday afternoon. Traders in the North confirmed that the day was a bonanza, with sales similar to pre-Christmas peaks.[2]

Shoppers crossing from the Republic to the North to do their shopping have been an increasing trend over the last eighteen months due to the weak nature of Sterling. The fact that the public sector used their day of strike action to shop across the border, and effectually take much needed tax revenues out of the government coffers, (of a state that is haemorrhaging millions of euro weekly), reeked of hierocracy. Not only do these shoppers have a hugely negative impact on the national and local economies, but doing so on a day of strike was particularly distasteful as the tax revenues pay these peoples’ own salaries. Callers to Irish radio stations called these actions insulting, hypocritical, vulgar. As and Irish Times commentator surmises, its “not just an economic issue - it is also fast becoming an emotional one.”[3]

The government want the people to be patriotic and to shop in the Republic, giving them tax revenue. However, the handling of the financial crisis has eroded confidence in the government and asking the people to make sacrifices, while those seen as government cronies (the banking and construction sector) are seen to get handouts, has generated a very bitter sentiment among the Irish population.

In free democratic societies, it seems that there is evidence that people resent being told how to spend their money. However, for this observer, when actions such as these are selfish and self-interested, and are likely to be long term detrimental to the prosperity of society, their actions cannot be comfortably justified. The unpatriotic consumers seem to feel that they are hitting back at a government they feel has failed them, but what are they really achieving? It would seem to be further unemployment, cutbacks, and national debt. Perhaps the question that should be asked is how governments can effectively convince their populations that what they are asking of them is in their own best interest. Trust must be established before a state can dictate to “Ask not what your country can do for you - ask what you can do for your country”.


[1] http://www.wearenotbuyingit.org/

[2] http://www.google.com/hostednews/afp/article/ALeqM5hiP0AeefKbzbXQH20cm1gbLb_dWQ

[3] http://www.irishtimes.com/newspaper/finance/2008/1209/1228571686505.html

Tuesday, November 17, 2009

Current Ethical Commentary on Private Military Contractors


Private Military Contractors, or PMCs, are a growing phenomenon. Often referred to as mercenaries, they provide military services to interested parties for a fee, Blackwater Security being the most familiar organisation of this type. My interest in these organisations was piqued recently while I watched the documentary Shadow Company, a 2006 documentary. The majority of the film focuses on the role played by FMC’s in the current Iraq conflict, the more interesting aspects of the film were the scenes where the contributors considered the moral implications of the emergence of this industry.

In an article titled “Deeper Objections To The Privatisation Of Military Force”,[1] in the Journal of Political Philosophy, James Pattison tackles the moral and ethical concerns of being, or hiring, a PMC. He lays down some fundamental anxieties to choosing PMC as a career. These anxieties are raised due to the moral duty individuals have to act from the proper motives. He determines that:

(i): Motives matter in moral judgement.

(ii): It is problematic if individuals are motivated by financial gain in the context of military force, given that military force harms others.

(iii): Private contractors are more likely to be motivated by financial gain than regular soldiers due to the higher wages offered by PMCs.

Pattison then turns to the issue of the governments who legitimize these organisations by outsourcing their military services.

The first moral hurdle faced is communal. Pattison argues that the communal identity, does have some, if not absolute, moral value. The fact that states often employ PMCs, which in turn often employ non-nationals, the effect is a disintegration of communal bonds that would prosper if the community were organised around a common cause, i.e. defending the state. Further, he notes that this is particularly disconcerting because” the use of private force can also lead to the violation of communal identity and autonomy by propping up an unpopular government and by assisting a state to intervene in another state’s affairs.”

The second moral hurdle that Pattison identifies is that employing PMCs can jeopardise the state’s ability both to fight and to wage just wars. The logic is that regular army’s demand personal sacrifice based on allegiance to the state. Because of this allegiance, soldiers are expected to accept sacrifice, or near certain death missions in the defence of the state. Conversely, the private contractor can refuse risky missions because they may not survive to enjoy the financial benefit. The example of D-day is used to promote the idea that PMCs would likely forfeit such missions, and thus sabotage the chances of winning a just-war, jus ad bellum.

Pattison’s article provides a decent primer on the ethical concerns surrounding the industry. However, I believe that a further layer can be added: the broadcast of PMC activities as entertainment. The moral legitimacy of this type of entertainment sits on unsteady ground. While the appeal to PMCs is undoubtedly to promote their organisations actions, and deflect negative connotations associated with their operations, these mercenaries are profiting off the perceived entertainment value of militarism for profit. Thus the profit-seeking motivation is doubly exposed. The success of the documentary format of Shadow Company has spawned a more recent copycat in the form of a television programme on the History Channel, shamelessly titled Shadow Force. Shadow Force follows a small band of mercenaries as they ply their trade on the African continent, in Liberia, Kenya, and the Congo.

The promoting of violence as public entertainment has always been controversial and if the type of TV shows described above becomes popular, it can be expected that the moral and ethical implications will be brought to the fore. Pattison, for one, has a depth of knowledge in this field and is well placed to progress new insights.


[1] http://www.jamespattison.co.uk/papers/J%20Pattison%20(200X)%20Deeper%20Objections%20to%20the%20Privatisation%20of%20Military%20Force.doc

Tuesday, November 3, 2009

Text Book Propaganda: Children, the State, and Rewriting History


Propaganda is broadly defined as the deliberate attempt to shape perceptions and manipulate others, often for certain political ends. Although propaganda is as old as society itself, it has exploded and become smarter and stealthier since the printed word helped spread ideas and opinions to a wide audience. The period of the Enlightenment saw the increased production of printed works, the rise in the opening of public libraries and schools, and general literacy. Encyclopaedia Britannica notes that, “the school system became more and more in the 18th century an ordered concern of the state.”[1] In many, if not most, countries, the primary and secondary levels of education are still provided as a public service. Even where a private education system exists, it is often sanctioned by the state. This situation allows the state much leverage to dictate the nature of children’s’ education.

It is perhaps natural that the priorities, objectives, and beliefs of the state are absorbed into the institutions of the state. However, it is not natural that the institutions of the democratic state should comply cowardly to the whim of the government of the day. This goes against the fundamental liberty of a democratic society. Even more worrying is when the government, or other groups in society, in the name of nationalism, incorporates malicious propaganda in the education of its minors.

The projection of propaganda and biased history on those in the education system is not a new phenomenon. Frequently American’s are reminded of their divided history when southern states’ school boards push a confederate biased agenda into the states’ textbooks, as was evidenced, particularly in the 1960s. Joseph Moreau documents the ever-brewing conflict in his outstanding book, “Schoolbook Nation: Conflicts over American History Textbooks from the Civil War to the Present”.[2] In Britain, strong military propaganda and biased readings of events is identifiable in school textbooks discussing both WWI and WWII in 20th century textbooks.[3] [4]More recently, in spring 2009 the Georgetown Journal of International Affairs carried an article called “The Hindutva View of History: Rewriting Textbooks in India and the United States”. The article discusses how Organizations associated with India's BJP political party and the Sangh Parivar, a Hindu nationalist movement, have attempted to fundamentally and inaccurately revise textbooks to propagate a Hindu nationalist view in Californian and Indian schoolbooks.[5]

However, where there are problems there are opportunities. Rescinding textbook propaganda could prove to be a major diplomatic strategy for easing tensions and restoring relations. Only a few days ago, (Oct. 30, 2009), the Japanese foreign minister announced that negations were underway between Japan and North Korea to develop a history textbook agreeable to both parties, with the possibility to include China in the endeavour. Such a joint book could go a long way toward mending fences, Japan's foreign minister argued.[6]

In this writer’s opinion the merits of this approach to history are dubious. While cooperation and agreement between old enemies would be welcome, what is the cost to the truth? History is something that ‘is’, not something that can be decided at a later date. Do the ends justify the means, when the means is a revisionist approach that allows for all parties of the conflict to be replenished in forgiving and illusionary waters? Is this not merely propaganda, further robbing children of the truth, whatever the truth may be. The struggle to redesign the past and correct history, in this case at least, is destined to be obstructed by the inevitable struggle for mutual benefit.

While, this particular endeavour seems doomed to failure, the rewriting of Russian textbooks after the fall of communism has succeed for many of the same reasons the Korean-Japanese-Chinese effort is set to flounder. Before 1991, Russia’s school history textbooks had been dominated by Marxist-Leninist interpretations of historical events. Multiple perspectives on history that were offered in more recent textbooks contrast with the grand narrative that dominated the study of history before 1991. Zagda & Zagda note while “Evaluation of the past events and leaders (the October Revolution, wars, Lenin, and Stalin) in schools has been somewhat uninformed, biased and superficial. However, there is a tendency, as demonstrated by our… analysis, to present different views, and different interpretations of the events.” [7] Perhaps the difference in this situation is that the country is introverting and soul-searching for its own cleansing, rather than being a sort of charade that is propaganda in itself.


[1] http://www.britannica.com/EBchecked/topic/179408/education/47573/Education-during-the-Enlightenment#ref=ref302946

[2] http://books.google.com/books?id=1h2lrlc3LaYC&source=gbs_navlinks_s

[3] http://www.jstor.org/pss/1050703

[4] http://hti.math.uh.edu/curriculum/units/2008/02/08.02.05.pdf

[5] http://www12.georgetown.edu/sfs/publications/journal/101/culture.cfm

[6] http://www.latimes.com/news/nationworld/world/la-fg-textbook30-2009oct30,0,4885487.story

[7] http://www.springerlink.com/content/g46h34u37l72m283/

Sunday, November 1, 2009

The Islamic Terrorist Threat in South America


Islamic terrorist cells spread out from the Middle East across Europe, Africa, Central Asia, and North America. However, South America has been identified as a region ripe for the cultivation of Islamist terrorist cells. South America has a significant Islamic population. While many are descendants of enslaved converts, the Islamic presence on the continent is primarily the product of immigration. The influx of Muslim immigrants over the last century has mainly been the product of political upheaval. Many fled during the early years of Indian partition, others fled from Lebanon and Palestine.[1]

It is estimated that Argentina, for example, is home to over half a million Muslims. It also houses the largest Jewish population South America, approximately two-hundred-thousand. In 1994, a Jewish community centre was bombed, killing more than 85 people. In 1999 an arrest warrant was issued against Hezbollah member Imad Mugniyah in connection with the attack. It was alleged that Hezbollah organised the operation from across the border in Paraguay.[2]

Of particular concern is the so-called tri-border region. A concentrated Islamic population is flourishing in the area of South America where Paraguay, Brazil and Argentina meet.[3] It is noted that both Osama bin Laden and Khalid Sheikh Mohammed are believed to have spent time in the tri-border region during the 1990s.[4] FrontPage reports that literature on the tri-border region had been found in caves used by Al-Qaeda fighters in Afghanistan. However, the activities carried out in the region by those linked with Islamic terrorism are believed to revolve around “laundering money and conducting arms-for-drugs deals with Latin American terrorist organizations,” according to author Rachel Ehrenfeld’s 2003 book, “Funding Evil”.[5]

A 2006 report by Christopher A. Cruz, a Lieutenant Commander in the United States Navy, suggested that Islamic terrorist cells had the potential to thrive due to the growing wave of anti-Americanism on the continent, coupled with its loose borders, rampant organized criminal gangs, general lawlessness, and corrupt political institutions and officials.[6] Since that report, the bond of Anti-Americanism has created an alliance between Venezuela and Iran. This presents a concern for US policy makers as Venezuela’s Hugo Chavez has expressed support for Columbian terrorists FARC and Iran has a long history of supporting extremist organisations. Hezbollah, for instance, has firm Iranian roots and the Iranian government has been accused of being among its chief financers and endorsers. [7]

The US has strained relationships with many of the countries involved and is overstretched militarily and diplomatically to push this issue. Hense, overt measures to combat the rise in Islamic terrorist activity in South America are hard to sense. One avenue of combating any potential upsurge in Islamic militancy in South America has been a by-product of Spain’s anti-terrorism laws, which have forbidden Spanish satellite company Hispasat from relaying the television station Al-Manar, the Hizbollah propaganda station that is broadcast out of Lebanon. Hipasat’s South American subsidiary, Hisamar, subsequently stopped retransmission of the channel.[8]

The only questions that remains are: a) How the issue of Islamic terrorist activity in the region will be confronted head-on by the relevant authorities, and b) What pressure the US can exert to have concerns dealt with? With the South American authorities already overstretched and under-funded, and their governments’ wariness of US involvement in their region, the problem is likely to get worse before it gets better.



[1] http://www.islamproject.org/education/South_America.html

[2] http://www.foxnews.com/wires/2008Feb15/0,4670,HezbollahJewishFears,00.html

[3] http://www.hsdl.org/hslog/?q=node/2675

[4] http://97.74.65.51/Printable.aspx?ArtId=13732

[5] http://books.google.ie/books?id=A9-xafMwndgC&dq=Rachel+Ehrenfeld+funding+evil&client=firefox-a

[6] http://oai.dtic.mil/oai/oai?verb=getRecord&metadataPrefix=html&identifier=ADA463430

[7] http://www.examiner.com/x-28028-Stafford-County-Conservative-Examiner~y2009m10d29-Iran-and-Venezuela-a-risky-friendship

[8] http://blogs.rnw.nl/medianetwork/al-manar-off-the-air-in-us-south-america